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UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2803, which was adopted on 17 November 2025, further exposes the systemic hypocrisy of the international order in enabling the Israeli regime's domination. The resolution, guided by its annexed 20-Point Plan, reframes Gaza’s reality as an administrative and security problem, in the middle of ongoing genocide, starvation, mass destruction, and decades of settler-colonial rule. It erases the crimes while empowering the very actors responsible for them. The Resolution places Gaza’s political, economic, and security future directly under the control of the US, the Israeli regime’s strongest ally and enabler, presenting this foreign domination as a “transition.” This is not reconstruction or a peace plan; it is simply another denial of the Palestinian people's right to self-determination through the consolidation of a new international control over Palestinian life.
From its opening line, the resolution declares the Gaza Strip a “threat to regional peace and security,” using colonial language that casts Palestinians as the source of instability. This framing prioritizes demilitarization, border control, and weapons removal, treating an ongoing genocide as if it were merely a security-management issue. States, including most Arab countries, celebrate the plan despite its overwhelming rejection by the Palestinian people. All Palestinian factions have rejected this foreign control over Palestine’s future; only the politically and financially dependent Palestinian Authority (PA) aligned itself with the proposal.
External powers have long imposed “solutions” on Palestine. The Balfour Declaration (1917) promised a Jewish homeland on Palestinian land without consent, establishing a century of foreign control. The League of Nations Mandate (1922), under British auspices, and later the UN Partition Plan (1947) institutionalized Palestinian dispossession and displacement, land theft, demographic engineering, and denial of Palestinian self-determination, serving as tools to facilitate the Zionist-Israeli colonial enterprise and de facto statehood in 1948, a status that lacks legitimacy under international law.
These mechanisms are reinforced by recent diplomatic frameworks, including the so-called “Deal of the Century” and the “New York Declaration,” which serve as de facto structures for the de-Palestinianization of Palestinian land and people. Resolution 2803 draws upon these precedents and refers to international legal language to advance colonial domination, and subordinates the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.
The UNSC’s endorsement of this plan exceeds its power under the UN Charter, which is limited to resolving disputes in accordance with international law. By imposing foreign colonial domination that violates Palestinians’ right to self-determination, the resolution is illegitimate and legally void. This mirrors the century-old pattern whereby external authorities have subordinated Palestinian rights to serve foreign interests, from the League of Nations’ implementation of the Balfour Declaration to today.
At the core of the resolution is the Board of Peace (BoP), a foreign-imposed oversight body chaired by Donald Trump as the architect of the plan, controlling Gaza’s governance, development, and political direction. The BoP is no more than a modern Mandate authority, denying Palestinians’ right to self-determination while legitimizing and internationalizing the expansion of the colonial enterprise. Reconstruction becomes a technocratic project designed to rewrite history, erase genocide, and repackage domination as “transition.” The US, which repeatedly vetoed UN action to stop Israeli crimes and the ongoing genocide, is now positioned as the head of this foreign governance, consolidating its role as co-engineer of Palestinian dispossession and displacement.
This control extends into humanitarian aid, which is reframed as a tool of foreign authority. The resolution assigns the BoP, under US administration, authority over aid distribution and oversight, effectively placing the US as the sole facilitator of the process. While mentioning cooperation with the UN, the Red Cross, and Red Crescent agencies, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is entirely excluded. By sidelining UNRWA, the resolution furthers a systematic attempt to rewrite the history of Palestinian refugees, cover ongoing Israeli crimes, and weaponize aid, as seen previously with the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Fund (GHF). Humanitarian assistance under this framework becomes a mechanism of political blackmail and control, rather than a response to Palestinian rights, entrenching Israeli “sovereignty” and colonial domination across Mandatory Palestine.
The International Stabilization Force (ISF) deepens foreign control on the ground, operating with the Israeli regime, Egypt, and US‑trained Palestinian forces. It expands and exceeds the West Bank “security‑coordination” model by making the Israeli regime’s security an international responsibility, systematically prioritizing its colonial interests over Palestinian rights. Israeli forces' withdrawal is conditioned on vague and negotiable “demilitarization” standards to be agreed with the ISF, the US, and “guarantors,” leaving the Israeli regime as the final judge of Palestinian compliance. A “security presence” will remain until Gaza is deemed “properly secure from any resurgent terror threat,” an open‑ended standard that entrenches colonial domination. The ISF is also tasked with enforcing disarmament and dismantling Palestinian armed groups, effectively suppressing resistance. Through control over borders, movement, and demilitarization, Gaza’s internal life remains under external policing. The annexed 20‑Point Plan formalizes these measures and makes the ceasefire deal conditional on compliance. While the ISF mandate is set to terminate on 31 December 2027, it is “subject to further action by the Council,” making foreign control easily extendable. This is not security; it is the extension of settler‑colonial power through international intermediaries.
The resolution also establishes a World Bank trust fund, donor-driven reconstruction mechanisms, and volunteer-based financing, turning Gaza into a marketplace for international interests. Reconstruction becomes conditional and financialized, replacing restitution, reparations, decolonization, and lifting the blockade with a system serving state and institutional agendas. Palestinians are reduced to recipients who merely manage the day-to-day services of the very system that dispossesses them.
Arab states that supported the resolution present it as a diplomatic achievement or a step toward “statehood.” In reality, it turns Gaza into an “Arab-world problem,” absorbs responsibility away from the UN and Western colonial complicit powers, and legitimizes external control. Besides the institutionalization of the separation between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip by such a resolution, the so-called “pathway to Palestinian statehood” erases history and frames rights as conditional on PA reforms, external approval, and compliance with US-Israeli demands. Moreover, this “pathway” led by the US, will establish a dialogue, not a negotiation, between the Israeli regime and undefined Palestinian representatives to discuss a political horizon for “coexistence.” This process is designed for state interests, not Palestinian people's inalienable rights.
Resolution 2803 is not a plan for Gaza’s recovery. It is a blueprint for managing Palestinians through foreign authority and colonial tutelage, trying to erase genocide from global memory, and entrenching the Israeli regime’s colonial apartheid under an international framework. This is not a step towards “peace”; it is domination repackaged as global governance. Under international law, peoples denied their right to self-determination have the right to resist foreign rule, including through armed struggle, and states are obligated to support peoples’ legitimate struggles for self-determination, counting material assistance. Any genuine path forward requires rejecting such colonial frameworks and integrating all Palestinian political actors to guarantee Palestinian agency and the exercise of their right to (true) self-determination.