Annan’s Plan: A 'Bitter Drink' for Greek-Cypriots
The United Nations has been dealing with the Cyprus problem for
the past thirty years since it called for the withdrawal of the
Turkish occupation forces and the return of refugees to their
homes. Annan’s plan came to an end in April 2004, however, and the
de facto separation of the island into two separate entities was
accepted.
We walked throughout the so-called forbidden area or the demarcation line, which divides Nicosia, the capital, into two parts: the Turkish-controlled and the Greek-controlled, north and south of the island respectively. Meanwhile, the British soldier, head of the United Nation’s Unit, explained to us the nature of their work while our eyes roamed both sides of the road and the old alleyways. A few weeks earlier, we were questioning the reasons behind the Greek Cypriot rejection of the Annan plan, which was subject to a referendum, despite the fact that Cypriots have continuously demanded a political solution capable of reuniting the island and putting an end to the Turkish occupation.
As is well known, Turkish forces entered Cyprus and occupied one
third of the northern part of the island in 1974 as a result of an
ungainly coup against Makarios, the legitimate president. The Greek
generals thus declared the island as part of Greece. The coup was
unsuccessful, the Greek generals resigned, and military rule was
put to an end; however, the island has continued to suffer from
occupation until now. During the past thirty years, a lot of water
has crossed under the bridge, so to speak; whereas Turkish-Cypriots
withdrew to the northern part of the island with around 1,000
remaining in the south, many immigrants from Turkey came and
settled in the north, and the northern government, which is only
recognized by Turkey, officially expropriated and confiscated
properties of displaced Greek Cypriots.
These displaced persons want to return to their homes or receive
just compensation for their properties regardless of the political
solution to the conflict. There is a well-known story of Ms.
Tatiana Loizidou who demanded restitution and resorted to the
European Court for Human Rights to raise her case. After many years
the court issued its decision holding the Turkish government–as an
occupation force– responsible for the woman’s inability to reach
and use her property. Additionally, the court fined the Turkish
government and demanded that it pay more USD 600,000 in return for
usage of the property.
This may explain why Israel decided to place many Palestinian
refugee homes in Akka or the remains of villages in the hands of
the Custodian of Absentees' Property. The current status of these
properties, however, raises questions about the commitment of the
government of Israel and Zionist settlers to maintain these areas
on behalf of the refugees. By comparison, the Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which is not recognized internationally,
decided haphazardly to dispossess displaced persons' properties and
register them under other people’s names. Undoubtedly, Israel knows
very well international law pertaining to individual ownership and
the rights of residents and refugees during a state of war.
The political solution offered by the Annan plan recognizes the de
facto reality and includes complicated solutions in order to
preserve basic principles of international law regarding displaced
persons and property restitution. It does not lead to a substantial
demographic change. The plan calls for two autonomous entities: a
Turkish-Cypriot state in the northern third of the island and a
Greek-Cypriot state on the rest, but united federally through a
parliamentary council. One third of the council is supposed to be
Turkish and two thirds Greek. Both entities are also united through
a senate with equal membership in order to guarantee political
equality. There is also a presidency council composed of six people
(2 Turkish Cypriots and 4 Greek Cypriots), which is headed
alternately by a Turkish-Cypriot for one third of the term's
duration. In other words, the plan takes into consideration and
implements the island’s demographic division in all the elements of
the solution.
Annan’s plan gradually found acceptance among Turkish Cypriots, but
remains unacceptable to most Greek Cypriots. The problem is not one
where power clearly favors one party to the conflict. The
thirty-year old Turkish occupation of the north continues and it
will not end until the Turkish entity recognizes its presence and
the demographic changes that evolved as a result of it. It seems
that the Greek Cypriot side has failed to accept this 'bitter
drink' despite its eagerness for a political solution to reunify
the island and end the Turkish occupation. The plan not expected to
move forward any time soon; it and the estimated five billion Euros
worth of displaced persons property will remain stuck awaiting
future developments by the Greek Cypriot side which voted against
it.
Jamil al-Nimri is a writer and a journalist for al-Arab al-Yawm
newspaper, which is published in Amman-Jordan. He is also the Head
of the Jordanian Authority for Democratic Culture, and the Head of
the General Council for the Jordanian Democratic Left Party, and a
member in the Higher Council of Media and Information in Jordan.
This article was published in al-Arab al-Yawm on 27 November, 2004.
Translation Arabic to English by Rana Mousa